How to End the Transition: Wilson Laleau Outlines Proposals to Break the Vicious Cycle
By Wideberlin SENEXANT · Port-au-Prince
· 4 min read · Updated 24 April 2026
Translated from French — AI-assisted and reviewed by the editorial team. The French version is authoritative. Read the original · About our translation policy

In other words, the transition must no longer be an improvised break, but a process of institutional learning. His diagnosis highlights three structural weaknesses: Excessive centralization, which favors oligarchic capture and external dependence; The weakness of political parties and civil society, too dispersed to influence public decisions; The predatory state, linked to an oligarchy that blocks any redistributive reform. These combined factors explain, according to him, the country's chronic instability and the difficulty in establishing a lasting constitutional framework. A Transition as a Political Laboratory Economist Laleau advocates for a five-year transitional constitution, designed as a space for democratic experimentation.
His model is based on three phases:
- Stabilization – a non-polarizing "custodian" president and a coalition government responsible for ensuring a return to a minimum of institutional stability.
- Experimentation – establishment of departmental governors, assemblies of mayors, and a monitoring committee to test decentralized governance.
- National Constitutional Conference – drafting of a definitive Constitution based on the lessons learned from the experimental period.
transparency, accountability, and the strengthening of existing institutions;
coordinated decentralization, supported by departmental governors and local assemblies endowed with checks and balances;
education and social justice as priorities, with increased funding for school canteens and the effective recognition of socioeconomic rights (education, health, work). An Integrated Theoretical Approach The analysis draws on the literature of democratic transitions (Fatton, Dumas, Sprague) to defend the idea of transition as a process of institutional learning. This theoretical framework offers Haiti an original interpretive lens: learning to govern before claiming to refound. The cooperative model appears here as an instrument of stabilization, capable of supporting local democracy and strengthening national cohesion. Limitations and Questions While the proposal is appealing in its coherence, several gray areas remain, according to some consulted but not disruptive observers:
The effectiveness of a custodian president remains hypothetical, due to a lack of concrete mechanisms to avoid blockages and abuses.
Decentralization requires financial resources and robust coordination between local and central levels.
The transition from political to economic – between a constitutional laboratory and a cooperative economy – would require strong social adherence and precise safeguards. Issues to Monitor Wilson Laleau's approach, as former Minister of Commerce and Industry in Haiti, raises several challenges:
Political feasibility: can a stable coalition be built in a context of fragmentation?
Territorial anchoring: which regions would serve as pilot hubs to test this experimental governance?
Funding and accountability: how to guarantee the integrity of the process?
Evaluation: what indicators will measure the success of the transition (stability, public services, social inclusion)? A Pragmatic Vision to Escape the Trap In summary, Wilson Laleau outlines a thoughtful exit from the cycle of transitions: a gradual method, based on decentralization, economic cooperation, and citizen participation.
His proposal rejects improvisation and calls for rebuilding the state through experience and transparency.
It remains to be seen whether Haitian political actors will agree to enter this collective laboratory, where transition would no longer be a headlong rush, but the beginning of a lasting reconstruction. Wideberlin Sénexant



